Shafaq News/ Iran is intensifying its efforts to target exiledopposition groups in neighboring countries, particularly in Iraqi Kurdistan.This aggressive campaign comes amid Tehran's ongoing struggle with the war inGaza and its preparations for a potential broader conflict, including a directconfrontation with Israel, a recent report by Fazel Hawramy, published by Amwaj, revealed.
Hawramy's report sheds light on Iran's increasing focus on IranianKurdish opposition groups, whom it accuses of having ties with Israel,allegations that these groups and their hosts vehemently deny.
"Amid this broader regional context, Tehran is particularly worriedabout Iranian Kurdish opposition groups based across the border in IraqiKurdistan. Iranian authorities accuse such actors—and their hosts—of havingties with Tel Aviv, which they vehemently deny. Facing the prospect of apotential escalation of the intelligence war with Israel, and possible openwarfare with ramifications inside its borders, the Islamic Republic is nowusing an apparent window of opportunity to go after its Kurdish foes."
Hawramy notes that Iran's offensive against these Kurdish groups isbeing carried out under the broader context of escalating regional tension,particularly as Iran gears up for a possible expansion of the conflict in Gaza.The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has already made significantmoves, including a ballistic missile and drone attack on Erbil in January,which Tehran claimed was a strike on a Mossad base. This attack resulted infour deaths, including that of a prominent local businessman, which drew sharpcondemnation from Iraqi Kurdish authorities. Despite the outcry, the IRGC labeledthe operation as successful retaliation for the killing of commanders withinthe' Axis of Resistance'—a network of Iran-backed militant groups—by suspectedIsraeli agents (Mossad).
"Members of the leftist Kurdish opposition group Komala, accusingthe Peshmerga fighters of having been tasked by Mossad with carrying outsabotage operations in Isfahan. Of note, both military and nuclear sites in thecentral city have been targeted with apparent quadcopters in recentyears—equipment that some in Iran charge has been smuggled into the countryfrom Iraqi Kurdistan."
In his report, Hawramy emphasizes the growing pressure on Iraqi Kurdishauthorities to dismantle Iranian Kurdish opposition groups based in the region.This pressure has intensified since the signing of a major bilateral securityaccord between Iran and Iraq in 2023. The accord has led to a significantescalation in demands from Tehran, with Iraqi Kurdish authorities now underincreased scrutiny from both the federal government in Baghdad and Tehran.Hawramy quotes Fariba Mohammadi, the deputy head of the Kurdistan ToilersParty-Komala, who reveals that the group has been pressured to relocate as partof this agreement. Mohammadi states, "We have been told since last yearthat we need to relocate as part of the agreement between Iran and Iraq, butthe pressure has increased in recent weeks."
Hawramy further explores the impact of these developments on variousKurdish groups. The report details how Komala, along with other Iranian Kurdishopposition groups, has faced repeated attacks from the IRGC, including missilestrikes and drone attacks. The pressure to relocate has now reached a criticalpoint, with Komala reluctantly agreeing to move, although the exact timing ofthe relocation remains uncertain. Hawramy quotes Mohammadi again, who explainsthat Tehran is fearful of the escalating confrontation between the Iran-led' Axisof Resistance' and Israel and is now tightening its borders as part of astrategy to preempt potential threats.
The report also highlights the experiences of other Kurdish groups, suchas the Kurdistan Freedom Party (PAK), which has faced similar pressures fromIran. PAK spokesperson Khalil Naderi tells Amwaj.media that his group hascomplied with many of the demands made by Iranian and Iraqi authorities,including closing training bases and handing over heavy weaponry.
"We have done what we have been asked to do such as closing ourtraining bases, moving away from the border area, handing over our heavy gunsand avoiding appearing [in public] with guns," he said, accusing Tehran ofcoming up with unreasonable demands with the ultimate goal of dismantling allKurdish opposition parties—including those which pursue non-violent resistance."They want these parties to be placed in camps outside the KRG's controlor once in a while, they provide a list of individuals from these parties to behanded over to them as criminals."
Hawramy's investigation also touches on the Kurdistan Free Life Party(PJAK), a group aligned with the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) of Turkey.According to the report, PJAK has not experienced significant changes over thepast year, although its members remain in the mountainous region near theIranian border, outside the reach of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK),which controls Al-Sulaimaniyah Governorate.
A significant aspect of Hawramy's report is the focus on the KurdistanDemocratic Party of Iran (KDPI), Iraqi Kurdistan's main Iranian oppositiongroup. Despite facing pressure from Iraqi Kurdish authorities, the KDPI hascontinued to display defiance, with its fighters holding a parade in themountains outside Erbil as recently as August. Hawramy describes how the KDPI'sshow of force is likely to anger Tehran, especially given the group's stated priorities,which include the overthrow of the Islamic Republic and the establishment ofdemocratic rule in Iran. KDPI spokesman Khalid Azizi, speaking at the August 21event, emphasized the group's readiness for any eventuality, stating, "Weare preparing ourselves for all the possibilities that cannot be predicted."
Throughout his report, Hawramy provides a detailed account of theongoing confrontation between Iran and its Kurdish opposition, illustrating howthese tensions are intertwined with the broader regional conflict involving the'Axis of Resistance' and Israel. Hawramy's investigation underscores theprecarious position of Kurdish groups in Iraqi Kurdistan, who find themselvescaught between the pressures from Tehran and the complex political dynamics ofthe region. As Hawramy points out, the fate of these Kurdish groups is closelylinked to the wider regional tension, with the potential for further escalationin the conflict between Iran and Israel.
Hawramy concludes by quoting a well-informed Kurdish opposition figurewho warns of the possible consequences of Iran's actions. The figure, speakingon condition of anonymity, suggests that Iran's crackdown on Kurdish oppositiongroups is a prelude to a broader strategy to secure internal unity in the faceof external threats. As the Kurdish official explains, "[Ayatollah Ali]Khamenei will not dare to hit Israel hard, but if he does, he knows a war couldbreak out—and to fight an external enemy, he needs to have internal unity."