A general view taken from the Syrian government-held side shows Aleppo's Sheikh Maqsoud neighbourhood which is held by Kurdish forces on 3 December 2016 (George Ourfalian / AFP)
The civil war in Syria has reignited and with it many of the old fault-lines that have defined the 13-year conflict.
In Aleppo, fighting has erupted between different factions - rebels led by former al-Qaeda affiliate Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham and Turkish-backed forces, forces loyal to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and Kurdish-led groups.
The neighbourhood of Sheikh Maqsoud has been one of the main flashpoints, being one of the areas that has remained in the hands of Kurdish-led forces for most of the civil war.
Fears of attack have seen Kurds evacuated from other areas of Aleppo, though Kurdish-led parties say they are still in control of Sheikh Maqsoud and the neighbourhood of Ashrafiyeh.
However, with rebel forces taking control of major cities in northern Syria, it remains to be seen if they can keep hold of their territories.
Kurdish quarter
The Kurdish presence in Aleppo dates back centuries.
Prior to 2011, the minority faced widespread discrimination under a government that promoted an Arab nationalist political agenda.
"[Sheikh Maqsoud] was always a predominantly Kurdish quarter," said Thomas Schmidinger, a political scientist at the University of Kurdistan Hewler in Erbil.
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"They were oppressed like all Syrians, plus their language and culture was not respected - all over Syria, Kurdish was not used in any official context, or in education for example. However, they were also an integrated part of the society."
Sheikh Maqsoud, a neighbourhood of 30,000 people that is predominantly Kurdish, has been under the control of the People's Protection Units (YPG) since 2012.
The YPG and their political wing the Democratic Union Party (PYD) are an ideological offshoot of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), an armed group who have fought against Turkey for decades in support of Kurdish autonomy.
Much of northeastern Syria is controlled by the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), a political administration created by the PYD on the declared basis of a multi-ethnic, multi-faith decentralised network across the region.
"There have always been Kurds living in the city and the regions - it would be natural for Kurdish groups to take over some areas when the government weakens," said Philip Mansell, author of Aleppo: The Rise and Fall of Syria's Great Merchant City.
") rgba(220, 220, 220, 0.5); top: -15px; left: 0px;">The group have also operated as part of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in northern Syria, a body that includes Arab groups and has backing from the US, originally with the purpose of fighting the Islamic State group.
In Sheikh Maqsoud, the YPG have, since taking control of the area, attempted to protect local residents and maintain a balancing act between opposition forces and the Syrian government.
The YPG has clashed and tacitly cooperated with both sides in the conflict. However, Turkey's support for a number of opposition groups - particularly the Syrian National Army (SNA) - has been a major source of tension and Ankara has seen crushing PKK-affiliated groups as its main priority.
Years of siege
The neighbourhood has faced repeated attacks over the course of the civil war.
Rights groups said opposition groups regularly launched indiscriminate attacks on Sheikh Maqsoud, causing numerous civilian casualties.
There were also credible accounts of chemical weapons being fired on the city, likely by the rebel group Jaish al-Islam, though they denied this.
For their part, rebel groups accused the YPG of helping the Assad government besiege opposition-held areas.
In the past few years, however, monitors say Sheikh Maqsoud has been besieged by government forces.
Food and other basic supplies have been blocked from entering the neighbourhood by state security services, and living conditions have deteriorated.
Turkish backing?
The SDF has characterised the new opposition assault as driven by Turkey and focused on attacking them.
"Damascus government forces have deteriorated in Aleppo and other regions. It is no doubt that this attack is orchestrated by the Turkish occupation state, with the ultimate goal of occupying the entire Syrian territory," the SDF said in a statement carried on the pro-PKK Firat News Agency.
"However, the primary target of this attack remains the areas under the Autonomous Administration to prevent the peaceful coexistence of the region’s diverse peoples, including Kurds, Arabs, Syriacs, and other communities."
Turkey has denied, however, that it is driving the new round fighting, although it said the SNA forces killed a PKK leader in Tal Rifaat.
"Like everyone else, I am amazed at the fall of Aleppo to insurgents; not at the lack support for Assad, but at the weakness of his armed forces, after the breathing space he has had to build them up," said Mansell.
'[The YPG] managed to make very difficult deals with the regime, so it is not completely unthinkable to make deals with HTS as well'
- Thomas Schmidinger, political scientist
On Monday, a number of outlets suggested an agreement had been reached between the Kurdish forces in Sheikh Maqsoud and the rebels to evacuate the neighbourhood, leaving Aleppo virtually uncontested in rebel hands - however, the SDF later denied this.
Nevertheless, the SDF said it had evacuated its people from the town of Tal Rifaat on Aleppo's outskirts and was coordinating with "all parties" to do so.
There have also been a number of calls from Kurdish political actors for international support and for civilians to mobilise to defend Kurdish-held regions.
SDF commander Mazlum Abdi warned that rebel forces had cut off attempts to create a "humanitarian corridor" between areas in and around Aleppo and their heartland in northeastern Syria.
"Our priority is to protect our people. We will not leave them alone in this difficult time," he said.
With more Kurdish civilians fleeing the city, the future of the Kurdish presence in Aleppo remains uncertain - and the situation continues to be febrile.
"They managed to make very difficult deals with the regime, so it is not completely unthinkable to make deals with HTS as well," said Schmidinger.
"It would be for sure impossible with the SNA because of its close connection with Turkey, but HTS is at least somehow more autonomous than SNA, but also very ideological. So it would be at least very difficult."