Shafaq News/ As Syria transitions from the Al-Assad regimeto a new government under Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), women’s rights remain apoint of intense concern. While HTS has pledged to prioritize education andfemale participation in governance, its troubling history of gender-basedrestrictions and controversial rhetoric raise doubts about its commitment togenuine reform.
HTS and Women’s Rights: A Troubled Legacy
Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), which emerged as a dominantforce in northwestern Syria after the civil war, has a controversial historyregarding women’s rights. Originally founded as Jabhat al-Nusra in 2012, thegroup distanced itself from ISIS and al-Qaeda, rebranding and shifting focusfrom global jihad to local governance. Despite these changes, HTS’s pastpolicies on women remain troubling.
Under its previous iterations, women faced strictrestrictions, including mandatory full-face veils and severe limitations ontheir movement, education, and employment. Forced marriages and gender-basedviolence were prevalent, creating an oppressive environment for women.
In recent years, HTS has sought to project a more moderateimage. Its leader, Abu Mohammad al-Jolani, has highlighted improvements, suchas over 60% of university students in Idlib being women. However, his recentactions, including requesting a woman cover her hair before taking a photo,have sparked controversy, with critics questioning HTS’s commitment to women’srights.
While some saw the incident as a sign of plans for astricter Islamist regime, al-Jolani defended his actions, calling it a matterof personal freedom.
“I didn’t force her. This is my personal freedom; I preferto take photos in a way that suits me.” He said.
Despite efforts to project a more inclusive rhetoric, suchas appointing Aisha al-Dabbas to lead the Women’s Affairs Office, HTS’s stanceon women’s political participation remains a concern. Comments from HTSspokesperson Ubaida Arnaout, who suggested that women are unsuitable for keypositions like in the Ministry of Defense, reveal the group’s conservative viewon gender roles in governance.
Arnaout’s remarks about women’s roles in some statedepartments suggested that they are “unsuitable” due to their “biological andpsychological nature.”
These actions, combined with HTS’s history of genderrestrictions, fuel skepticism about the group’s true commitment to women’srights.
HTS’s New Rhetoric: A Shift in Governance?
Political analyst Rabie Sha’ar believes much of theskepticism surrounding HTS stems from media campaigns. “There is a concertedeffort to instill fear in Syrians and the international community about the newregime,” he told Shafaq News. “However, HTS today is more pragmatic andrespectful of Syrian freedoms. For instance, 60% of students in Idlib’suniversities are women, and they are increasingly involved in governance.”
Sha’ar also highlights HTS’s evolving attitudes towardwomen, noting their inclusion in social and political spheres. “This representsa significant departure from their earlier practices,” he adds.
Despite this optimism, activists remain uncertain about thenext phase in Syria, particularly regarding women’s participation in the socialand political arena.
A Painful Past and an Uncertain Future
Civil activist Najla Temo from the Komela ?awî?ka Organizationin Syria points out the diverse experiences of Syrian women across ethnic andreligious communities. “Women’s realities vary widely due to Syria’s politicaland economic conditions and its ethnic and religious diversity,” she says toShafaq News. “Under the previous regime, women experienced superficial freedomsenshrined in the old constitution but lacked practical empowerment.”
Temo points to systemic legal obstacles, such as lawsgoverning inheritance, polygamy, and dowries, which hindered women’s progress.“While women engaged in education and small-scale employment, they remainedconstrained by patriarchal legal structures,” she notes.
“Although women participated in leftist political groups,they were often stymied by the male-dominated political environment and therepressive measures of the previous regime,” Temo explains.
Regarding the future, Temo expresses skepticism aboutsignificant progress under HTS. “Given HTS’s ideological roots and its ties toal-Qaeda, a breakthrough for women’s rights seems unlikely, particularly afterArnaout’s recent statements,” she says.
Activist Shams Antar, however, voices optimism. “Women areworking to secure representation in the next government…They aspire to holdpositions in all ministries, including the presidency, which was previouslyreserved for men under the old constitution.”
Antar also emphasizes the broader political awakening inSyria post-Assad. “For decades, politics was a forbidden domain, particularlyfor women. With the old regime gone, women are increasingly participating indrafting Syria’s new constitution,” she says to Shafaq News.
On the other hand, feminist activist Mona Abdul Salamreflects on women’s pivotal role in the Syrian revolution. “Women-led protestsjoined civil society initiatives, and raised awareness about human and women’srights,” she says to Shafaq News. “Many were arrested, tortured, or killed fortheir activism.”
Abdul Salam also highlights women’s participation in armedresistance. “Kurdish and Arab women in northeastern Syria fought alongside mento defend their communities against ISIS and other extremist groups,” she says.
Looking ahead, Abdul Salam expresses hope for a moreinclusive Syria. “Despite fears of HTS’s Islamic inclinations, I hope the nextphase will build a cohesive society where women play a central role indecision-making.”
While HTS’s assurances of educational opportunities andfemale participation in governance offer hope, the underlying fears ofcontinued repression remain. Whether the next phase of Syria's evolution willdeliver on its promises for gender equality or revert to old patterns ofexclusion is yet to be seen.