Iraq News Now

Iraq has become another front in the Israel-Iran proxy wars in

the Middle East. Last July, two suspected attacks were conducted against

Iran-allied militias, one in Amerli in Salahuddin governorate north of Baghdad

and the other against Camp Ashraf in Diyala governorate, which was previously

used by American troops. Israel has been worried that the militias' bases have

been serving as a repository for Iranian missiles that could be wielded against

it. In January 2019, during a meeting with Iraqi Prime Minister Adel

Abdul-Mahdi, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo is reported to have

discussed the role of the militias  in

housing Iranian missiles and hinted that the United States would not object if

Israel attacked the facilities.
The first attack resulted in the death of an Iranian

Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) commander, Abu Alfazl Sarabian, and several

Hezbollah and militias soldiers. The Iraqis were not sure about the source of

the attack while the Iranians considered the IRGC commander a martyr. From

Iran’s side, it would make sense to use the militias to deploy missiles in

Iraq; this would increase Tehran’s area of operations and enable it to

transport missiles to Syria and Lebanon. Its inventory of ballistic

missiles could put Riyadh—or even Tel Aviv—within range if launched from

Iraqi territory.
The other attack followed and targeted Camp Ashraf in Diyala

governorate, which was once used by the Mujahedin-e-Khalq, an organization

opposed to the Iranian regime. The base is closer to the Iranian border, making

it essential for the IRGC’s operations. It was interesting that these strikes

came less than two weeks after Prime Minister Abdul-Mahdi ordered the

militias to be integrated entirely into the Iraqi security forces, a step seen

as lessening Iranian influence in the country. Soon after the issuance of

Abdul-Mahdi’s decree, many militias factions like Kataeb Hezbollah slammed it

and attributed the policy to the result of US and Saudi pressure. Other IMIS

factions, including those close to Iraqi Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani such as the

Abbas Combat Division, were obedient and quiet, following the orders of the

prime minister—as the commander in chief of the armed forces—without

resistance.
An attack on August 14 against a weapons depot in Baghdad was

also blamed on Israel. An Israeli imaging firm confirmed that the attack

on an IMIS camp south of Baghdad was carried out by Israeli aircraft; it

supported this claim by producing images of the attack. The Iraqi government

has remained silent and has not referred to Israel as the responsible party. In

fact, most of the government’s statements were verbal and did not hold anyone

directly accountable. This clearly exposes the volatile and enfeebled state of

the Iraqi government.
The Iraqi prime minister is weak as regards Iranian interests;

he has neither the power nor the will to act in more aggressive and vigorous

ways. This is perhaps due to his hidden connections with Iranian influence

circles inside the Iraqi government or simply because he lacks support from the

political and security sectors.
Still, the attacks indicate that Israel is looking to widen its

theater of confrontation with Iran to an unwitting Iraq that continues to

suffer from foreign interference. Such an Israeli attempt appears to be conducted

under the watchful–perhaps colluding–eye of the Trump Administration, which

considers itself to be an important player in Iraqi politics.