Report: Who will succeed Ayatollah al-Sistani, and what will become of his methodology?
Shafaq News/ The aging of Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, now 94, raises concerns about a potential shift in power from Najaf, Iraq, to Tehran and Qom, Iran.
Iran's theocratic model stands in contrast to Sistani's emphasis on democracy. Without a clear successor to inherit his philosophy, there's uncertainty about the future direction of Iraq's Shiite leadership.
In a report, the American magazine "Newlines" highlighted the competition for the leadership of the Shiite sect between Iraq and Iran.
The American magazine addressed the beginning of what happened on February 22, 2006, to signify Sistani's style and prevent the explosion of civil war when bombings destroyed the shrine of the two military imams in Samarra in attacks carried out by Al-Qaeda.
The magazine added in its report that during that day, "The commanders implored Sistani to issue a fatwa mobilizing defense forces, stating they had the means and support to deploy thousands of armed men to Samarra and the other shrines. Sistani refused, explaining that this was exactly what al Qaeda wanted — to create a trap and ignite an all-out conflict between Shiites and Sunnis in Iraq. The delegation continued to press Sistani, hinting that it might turn to other senior religious leaders in Najaf or even seek a fatwa from Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran's supreme leader, to green-light a mobilization in the name of religion. "
"Sistani asked for patience. He would not give an instant response to an issue of such magnitude and told the group to wait until later in the day for a decisive course of action. He then instructed his son, Muhammad Ridha, to invite the other three senior ayatollahs in Najaf for an urgent meeting. Sistani's diplomatic approach worked. The other ayatollahs assured him of their continued support and that no fatwa of any kind would be issued on the matter despite the petitions each of them had already received," the report added.
The Newlines magazine pointed out that "It was but one of many instances in the last few decades when Sistani, famed for his learnedness, pushed for a pragmatic, measured, and principled response to current events. His approach stands in stark contrast to the most powerful Shiite clerics in Iran."
The bombing of a holy site in Samarra, Iraq, exposed a power struggle between two major centers of Shiite Islam: Iran's Khamenei and Iraq's Sistani. Even today, these two countries hold different views on religious authority.
Iran, since its revolution, has aimed to be the leader for Shiites worldwide. However, Iraq has a long history of religious leadership through its seminaries and grand ayatollahs like Sistani. Unlike Iran's theocratic government, these leaders traditionally avoid political involvement.
Sistani, the leading marja in Najaf since 1993, represents a more restrained approach. He endured persecution under Saddam but emerged as a potential leader for Iraqi and global Shiites after the 2003 invasion.
The American magazine stated that "Since Sistani has long rejected a formal role for clerics in government, his stance contrasts with that of Tehran, and for over 20 years now, there has been a competition between the Najaf seminary and the Iranian regime for the hearts and minds of Shiite Muslims. This competition has mostly played out in Iraq, where Iran has attempted to increase its presence in Najaf by sponsoring seminary students, investing in construction projects in the shrine cities, and building up a network of armed groups with political and religious loyalties to Khamenei."
Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani publicly criticized Iran's system or commented on its political affairs despite being an Iranian citizen. However, clerics from Najaf's hawza (religious seminary) openly reject the Iranian model. However, Iranian officials have also been careful to appear publicly respectful of Sistani — including Khamenei himself.
The report continued, "Despite all this competition and disagreement on the scope of religious authority, it is still easy to overstate the rivalry between Sistani and Khamenei, or that between Najaf and Tehran. There are many points of agreement on religious affairs, politics, and other matters. The relationships between the maraji in Iraq and Iran are extensive, and the networks are overlapping and mostly cooperative. For example, see the recent visit by the head of the seminaries in Iran to Sistani. Iran has publicly praised Sistani's leadership in Iraq, knowing that without him, Shiite power — and by extension the potential for Iranian influence — would have been far weaker."
"And as far as there is a rivalry, Najaf is in a strong position. The holy city's model for clerical authority and its leadership have endured more than 1,000 years of tests. More likely than not, Najaf will continue to thrive in the coming years. In contrast, the model of Islamic government in Iran has linked the authority of a Marja to the political fortunes of the state and thus is more likely to face severe challenges in the future," The Newlines added.
The report noted that important milestones in Iraq's history bear Sistani's fingerprints, such as his opposition to the US plan to impose a government and constitution on Iraq, his push to hold elections as soon as possible so that Iraqis can determine their future, his refusal to approve reprisals in the 2006 sectarian war, his fatwa to urge volunteers to fight against ISIS in 2014, and his calls to dismiss heads of government who have lost the trust of the people due to weak and corrupt governance.
The report concluded by saying that Sistani created a model of what a marja should be, namely, avoiding formal participation in politics, ensuring that the sovereignty of the Iraqi people is of paramount importance and that their wishes are expressed freely, providing guidance to politicians but not allying with any of them, preserving the power and prestige of the Marja'iyya by controlling the shrines and seminaries and not interfering in every public issue.
Furthermore, Newsline said that following its model, Sistani act as a leader for all Iraqis and all their interests regardless of religion or ethnicity, without intervening in politics except when the "structure of society" is threatened or to address the most serious issues facing the state.
The report stated that Sistani played a pivotal role in preventing Iraq from completely collapsing into total chaos or civil war, adding that despite his attempts to limit their influence in Iraq, the United States and Iran are happy to have him there because of the stability he provides, and are concerned about what will happen after his departure.
