Iraq News Now

As Americans sat down to Thanksgiving dinner, Iraqis were mourning more than

60 people killed by police and soldiers on Thursday in Baghdad, Najaf and Nasiriyah.

Nearly 400 protesters have been killed since hundreds of thousands of people

took to the streets at the beginning of October. Human rights groups have described

the crisis in Iraq as a "bloodbath,"

Prime Minister Abdul-Mahdi has announced he will resign, and Sweden has opened

an

investigation against Iraqi Defense Minister Najah Al-Shammari, who is a

Swedish citizen, for crimes against humanity.

According to Al

Jazeera, "Protesters are demanding the overthrow of a political class

seen as corrupt and serving foreign powers while many Iraqis languish in poverty

without jobs, healthcare or education." Only

36% of the adult population of Iraq have jobs, and despite the gutting of

the public sector under U.S. occupation, its tattered remnants still employ

more people than the private sector, which fared even worse under the violence

and chaos of the U.S.’s militarized shock doctrine.

Western reporting conveniently casts Iran as the dominant foreign player in

Iraq today. But while Iran has gained enormous influence and is one

of the targets of the protests, most of the people ruling Iraq today are

still the former exiles that the

U.S. flew in with its occupation forces in 2003, "coming to Iraq with

empty pockets to fill" as a taxi-driver in Baghdad told a Western reporter

at the time. The real causes of Iraq’s unending political and economic crisis

are these former exiles’ betrayal of their country, their endemic corruption

and the U.S.’s illegitimate role in destroying Iraq’s government, handing it

over to them and maintaining them in power for 16 years.

The corruption of both U.S. and Iraqi officials during the U.S. occupation

is well

documented. UN Security Council resolution 1483 established a $20 billion

Development Fund for Iraq using previously seized Iraqi assets, money left in

the UN’s "oil for food" program and new Iraqi oil revenues. An audit

by KPMG and a special inspector general found that a huge proportion of that

money was stolen or embezzled by U.S. and Iraqi officials.

Lebanese customs officials found $13 million in cash aboard Iraqi-American

interim Interior Minister Falah Naqib’s plane. Occupation crime boss Paul Bremer

maintained a $600 million slush fund with no paperwork. An Iraqi government

ministry with 602 employees collected salaries for 8,206. A U.S. Army officer

doubled the price on a contract to rebuild a hospital, and told the hospital’s

director the extra cash was his "retirement package." A U.S. contractor

billed $60 million on a $20 million contract to rebuild a cement factory, and

told Iraqi officials they should just be grateful the U.S. had saved them from

Saddam Hussein. A U.S. pipeline contractor charged $3.4 million for non-existent

workers and "other improper charges." Out of 198 contracts reviewed

by the inspector general, only 44 had documentation to confirm the work was

done.

U.S. "paying agents" distributing money for projects around Iraq

pocketed millions of dollars in cash.The inspector general only investigated

one area, around Hillah, but found $96.6 million dollars unaccounted for in

that area alone. One American agent could not account for $25 million, while

another could only account for $6.3 million out of $23 million. The "Coalition

Provisional Authority" used agents like these all over Iraq and simply

"cleared" their accounts when they left the country. One agent who

was challenged came back the next day with $1.9 million in missing cash.

The U.S. Congress also budgeted $18.4 billion for reconstruction in Iraq in

2003, but apart from $3.4 billion diverted to “security,” less than $1 billion

of it was ever disbursed. Many Americans believe U.S. oil companies have made

out like bandits in Iraq, but that’s not true either. The plans that Western

oil companies drew up with Vice President Cheney

in 2001 had that intent, but a law to grant Western oil companies lucrative

"production sharing agreements" (PSAs) worth tens of billions per

year was exposed as a

smash and grab raid and the Iraqi National Assembly refused to pass it.

Finally, in 2009, Iraq’s leaders and their U.S. puppet-masters gave up on PSAs

(for the time being…) and invited foreign oil companies to bid on "technical

service agreements" (TSAs) worth

$1 to $6 per barrel for increases in production from Iraqi oilfields. Ten

years later, production has only increased to 4.6

million barrels per day, of which 3.8

million are exported. From Iraqi oil exports of about $80 billion per year,

foreign firms with TSAs earn only $1.4 billion, and the largest contracts are

not held by U.S. firms. China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) is earning

about $430 million in 2019; BP earns $235 million; Malaysia’s Petronas $120

million; Russia’s Lukoil $105 million; and Italy’s ENI $100 million. The bulk

of Iraq’s oil revenues still flow through the Iraq National Oil Company (INOC)

to the corrupt U.S.-backed government in Baghdad.

Another legacy of the U.S. occupation is Iraq’s convoluted election system

and the undemocratic horse-trading by which the executive branch of the Iraqi

government is selected. The 2018

election was contested by 143 parties grouped into 27 coalitions or "lists,"

plus 61 other independent parties. Ironically, this is similar to the contrived,

multi-layered political

system the British created to control Iraq and exclude Shiites from power

after the Iraqi revolt of 1920.

Today, this corrupt system keeps dominant power in the hands of a cabal of

corrupt Shiite and Kurdish politicians who spent many years in exile in the

West, working with Ahmed Chalabi’s U.S.-based Iraqi National Congress (INC),

Ayad Allawi’s U.K.-based Iraqi National Accord (INA) and various factions of

the Shiite Islamist Dawa Party. Voter turnout has dwindled from 70% in 2005

to 44.5% in 2018.

Ayad Allawi and the INA were the instrument for the CIA’s hopelessly bungled

military coup in Iraq in 1996. The Iraqi government followed every detail

of the plot on a closed-circuit radio handed over by one of the conspirators

and arrested all the CIA’s agents inside Iraq on the eve of the coup. It executed

thirty military officers and jailed a hundred more, leaving the CIA with no

human intelligence from inside Iraq.

Ahmed Chalabi and the INC filled that vacuum with a web of lies that warmongering

U.S. officials fed into the echo chamber of the U.S. corporate media to justify

the invasion of Iraq. On June 26th 2002, the INC sent a letter to the Senate

Appropriations Committee to lobby for more U.S. funding. It identified its "Information

Collection Program" as the primary source for 108

stories about Iraq’s fictitious "Weapons of Mass Destruction"

and links to Al-Qaeda in U.S. and international newspapers and magazines.

After the invasion, Allawi and Chalabi became leading members of the U.S. occupation’s

Iraqi Governing Council. Allawi was appointed Prime Minister of Iraq’s interim

government in 2004, and Chalabi was appointed Deputy Prime Minister and Oil

Minister in the transitional government in 2005. Chalabi failed to win a seat

in the 2005 National Assembly election, but was later elected to the assembly

and remained a powerful figure until his death in 2015. Allawi and the INA are

still involved in the horse-trading for senior positions after every election,

despite never getting more than 8% of the votes – and only 6% in 2018.

These are the senior ministers of the new Iraqi government formed after the

2018 election, with some details of their Western backgrounds:

Adil Abdul-Mahdi – Prime Minister (France). Born in Baghdad in 1942. Father was a government

minister under the British-backed monarchy. Lived in France from 1969-2003,

earning a Ph.D in politics at Poitiers. In France, he became a follower of Ayatollah

Khomeini and a founding member of the Iran-based Supreme Council for the Islamic

Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) in 1982. Was SCIRI’s representative in Iraqi Kurdistan

for a period in the 1990s. After the invasion, he became Finance Minister in

Allawi’s interim government in 2004; Vice President from 2005-11; Oil Minister

from 2014-16.

Barham Salih – President (U.K. & U.S.). Born in Sulaymaniyah in 1960. Ph.D. in Engineering

(Liverpool – 1987). Joined Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) in 1976. Jailed

for 6 weeks in in 1979 and left Iraq for the U.K. PUK representative in London

from 1979-91; head of PUK office in Washington from 1991-2001. President of

Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) from 2001-4; Deputy PM in interim Iraqi government

in 2004; Planning Minister in transitional government in 2005; Deputy PM from

2006-9; Prime Minister of KRG from 2009-12.

Mohamed

Ali Alhakim – Foreign Minister (U.K. & U.S.). Born in Najaf

in 1952. M.Sc. (Birmingham), Ph.D. in Telecom Engineering (Southern California),

Professor at Northeastern University in Boston 1995-2003. After the invasion,

he became Deputy Secretary-General and Planning Coordinator in the Iraqi Governing

Council; Communications Minister in interim government in 2004; Planning Director

at Foreign Ministry, and Economic Adviser to VP Abdul-Mahdi from 2005-10; and

UN Ambassador from 2010-18.

Fuad Hussein – Finance Minister & Deputy PM (Netherlands & France). Born in Khanaqin

(majority Kurdish town in Diyala province) in 1946. Joined Kurdish Student Union

and Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) as a student in Baghdad. Lived in Netherlands

from 1975-87; incomplete Ph.D. in International Relations; married to Dutch

Christian woman. Appointed deputy head of Kurdish Institute in Paris in 1987.

Attended Iraqi exile political conferences in Beirut (1991), New York (1999)

& London (2002). After the invasion, he became an adviser at the Education

Ministry from 2003-5; and Chief of Staff to Masoud Barzani, President of the

KRG, from 2005-17.

Thamir Ghadhban – Oil Minister & Deputy PM (U.K.). Born in Karbala in 1945. B.Sc. (UCL)

& M.Sc. in Petroleum Engineering (Imperial College, London). Joined Basra

Petroleum Co. in 1973. Director General of Engineering and then Planning at

Iraqi Oil Ministry from 1989-92. Imprisoned for 3 months and demoted in 1992,

but did not leave Iraq, and was reappointed Director General of Planning in

2001. After the invasion, he was promoted to CEO of Oil Ministry; Oil Minister

in the interim government in 2004; elected to National Assembly in 2005 and

served on 3-man committee that drafted the failed

oil law; chaired Prime Minister’s Advisors’ Committee from 2006-16.

Major

General (Retd) Najah Al-Shammari – Defense Minister (Sweden). Born

in Baghdad in 1967. The only Sunni Arab among senior ministers. Military officer

since 1987. Has lived in Sweden and may have been member of Allawi’s INA before

2003. Senior officer in U.S.-backed Iraqi special forces recruited from INC,

INA and Kurdish Peshmerga from 2003-7. Deputy commander of "counterterrorism"

forces 2007-9. Residency in Sweden 2009-15. Swedish citizen since 2015. Reportedly

under investigation for benefits fraud in Sweden, and now for crimes

against humanity in killing of over 300 protesters in October-November 2019.

In 2003, the U.S. and its allies unleashed unspeakable, systematic violence

against the people of Iraq. Public health experts reliably estimated that the

first three years of war and hostile military occupation cost about 650,000

Iraqi lives. But the U.S. did succeed in installing a puppet government

of formerly Western-based Shiite and Kurdish politicians in the fortified Green

Zone in Baghdad, with control over Iraq’s oil revenues. As we can see, many

of the ministers in the U.S.-appointed interim government in 2004 are still

ruling Iraq today.

U.S. forces deployed ever-escalating violence against Iraqis who resisted the

invasion and hostile military occupation of their country. In 2004, the U.S.

began training a large force of Iraqi

police commandos for the Interior Ministry, and unleashed commando units

recruited from SCIRI’s Badr Brigade militia as death

squads in Baghdad in April 2005. This U.S.-backed

reign of terror peaked in the summer of 2006, with the corpses of as many

as 1,800 victims brought to the Baghdad morgue each month. An Iraqi human rights

group examined

3,498 bodies of summary execution victims and identified 92% of them as

people arrested by Interior Ministry forces.

The U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency tracked "enemy-initiated

attacks" throughout the occupation and found that over 90% were against

U.S. and allied military targets, not “sectarian” attacks on civilians. But

the U.S. officials used a narrative of “sectarian violence” to blame the work

of U.S.-trained Interior Ministry death squads on independent Shiite militias

like Muqtada al-Sadr’s Mahdi

Army.

The government Iraqis are protesting against today is still led by the same

gang of U.S.-backed Iraqi exiles who wove a web of lies to stage manage the

invasion of their own country in 2003, and then hid behind the walls of the

Green Zone while U.S. forces and death squads slaughtered

their people to make the country "safe" for their corrupt government.

More recently they again acted as cheerleaders as American bombs,

rockets

and artillery reduced most of Mosul, Iraq’s second city, to rubble, after twelve

years of occupation, corruption and savage repression drove

its people into the arms of the Islamic State. Kurdish intelligence reports

revealed that more than 40,000

civilians were killed in the U.S.-led destruction of Mosul. On the pretext

of fighting the Islamic State, the U.S. has reestablished a huge military base

for over 5,000 U.S. troops at Al-Asad airbase in Anbar province.

The cost of rebuilding Mosul, Fallujah and other cities and towns is conservatively

estimated at $88

billion. But despite $80 billion per year in oil exports and a federal budget

of over $100 billion, the Iraqi government has allocated no money at all for

reconstruction. Foreign, mostly wealthy Arab countries, have pledged $30 billion,

including just $3 billion from the U.S., but very little of that has been, or

may ever be, delivered.

The history of Iraq since 2003 has been a never-ending disaster for its people.

Many of this new generation of Iraqis who have grown up amid the ruins and chaos

the U.S. occupation left in its wake believe they have nothing to lose but their

blood and their lives, as they take

to the streets to reclaim their dignity, their future and their country’s

sovereignty.

The bloody handprints of U.S. officials and their Iraqi puppets all over this

crisis should stand as a dire warning to Americans of the predictably catastrophic

results of an illegal foreign policy based on sanctions, coups, threats and

the use of military force to try to impose the will of deluded U.S. leaders

on people all over the world.

Nicolas J.S. Davies is the author of Blood

On Our Hands: the American Invasion and Destruction of Iraq. He is an

independent journalist and a researcher for CODEPINK.